{"id":1420,"date":"2016-02-08T00:33:17","date_gmt":"2016-02-08T00:33:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/?p=1420"},"modified":"2016-03-15T13:48:32","modified_gmt":"2016-03-15T13:48:32","slug":"1420-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/1420-2\/","title":{"rendered":"ION POPESCU-BR\u0102DICENI: Fenomenul elitar \u015fi democra\u0163ia"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Fiecare clas\u0103 sau grup social se divide \u00een elit\u0103 \u015fi non-elit\u0103, ter\u0163ul inclus reprezent\u00e2ndu-l contraelita. Elitele pot fi func\u0163ionale \u015fi disfunc\u0163ionale, transparente sau conspirative. \u00cen toate \u0163\u0103rile, elitele guvernamentale se profesionalizeaz\u0103 din ce \u00een ce mai mult \u015fi risc\u0103 s\u0103 se \u00eendep\u0103rteze de masa de cet\u0103\u0163eni. Dac\u0103 de-a lungul istoriei, democra\u0163ia a precedat birocra\u0163ia, ca \u00een SUA \u015fi Marea Britanie, tradi\u0163ia actioneaz\u0103 \u00een favoarea men\u0163inerii unei distan\u0163e respectuoase \u00eentre cele dou\u0103 \u015fi a recrut\u0103rilor \u00een mod diferit pentru func\u0163ionari \u015fi politicieni. Insist\u00e2nd asupra importan\u0163ei democra\u0163iei locale \u00een moravurile \u015fi mentalit\u0103\u0163ile americanilor, semnal\u0103m \u015fi pericolul recurent al unei derive populiste.<\/p>\n<p><strong>REVOLU\u0162IE POLITIC\u0102 \u015eI REVOLU\u0162IE IDEOLOGIC\u0102<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00cen istoria Rom\u00e2niei, \u00eentr-o vreme, \u00een Principate, a lucrat un model de utopie de inspira\u0163ie, evident, vest-european. Din pozi\u0163ia lor de receptor, Principatele, \u00ee\u015fi formeaz\u0103 propria elit\u0103. Procedeul este transplantul mai subtil care se opereaz\u0103 \u201ela v\u00e2rf\u201d de la o personalitate occidental\u0103 la un autohton proteic \u015fi versatil, \u00eenzestrat pentru actul eroic al instituirii \u2013 <strong><em>logothesis <\/em><\/strong>(a se izola, a articula, a ordona, a teatraliza), desigur, actul instituirii practicat de <strong><em>logothet<\/em><\/strong> nelimit\u00e2ndu-se la limb\u0103, ci prelungindu-se firesc de la ordinea lingvistic\u0103 la cea social\u0103. Pentru revolu\u0163ionarii rom\u00e2ni, chestiunea antren\u0103rii masselor era stringent\u0103, iar necesitatea de a crea cel pu\u0163in un efect de nou\u0103 societate civil\u0103 (dup\u0103 modelul occidental) era presant\u0103. Care ar fi, azi, r\u0103spunsul la \u00eentrebarea dac\u0103 Principatele Rom\u00e2ne au avut o revolu\u0163ie politic\u0103 (\u00een elite) sau una ideologic\u0103 (social\u0103, de masse). Ar fi unul ambivalent, c\u0103ci episodul comisarilor de propagand\u0103 este cel mai autentic act revolu\u0163ionar de la 1848; prin intermediul lor, utopia revolu\u0163ionar\u0103 a cobor\u00e2t cel mai mult \u00een masse, fiind explicat\u0103 pe \u00een\u0163elesul \u0163\u0103ranilor f\u0103r\u0103 \u015ftiin\u0163\u0103 de carte, care ignorau aproape totul despre Europa.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>RECRUTAREA ELITELOR \u00ceN EUROPA<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>A\u015fa privind lucrurile, este limpede c\u0103 ceea ce s-a numit comportamentul inteligibil al elitelor, fie ele economice, politice sau culturale, conduc\u00e2nd la acceptarea Occidentului \u00een sensul unei reciprocit\u0103\u0163i benefice \u00eenseamn\u0103 aderen\u0163a \u015fi \u00eemp\u0103rt\u0103\u015firea unui set de valori comune ale Rom\u00e2niei cu Europa. Cum aceasta a doua parte a comentariului nostru este dedicat\u0103 st\u0103rilor de lucru din Rom\u00e2nia \u00een paginile ce urmeaz\u0103 vom \u00eencepe, totu\u015fi, prin a vorbi despre \u201erecrutarea elitelor \u00een Europa\u201d, utiliz\u00e2nd \u00een acest scop o antologie de studii din domeniu coordonat\u0103 de Ezra Suleiman \u015fi Henri Mendras, puse sub semnul elitelor \u201ece vor guverna Europa\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>\u201eAt\u00e2ta vreme c\u00e2t \u00eenal\u0163ii func\u0163ionari de la Bruxelles \u2013 scriu cei doi coordonatori \u00een \u201ePrezentare\u201d \u2013 sunt singurii care formeaz\u0103 o adev\u0103rat\u0103 elit\u0103 european\u0103 suprana\u0163ional\u0103, \u00eei putem taxa drept tehnocra\u0163i, deoarece \u00eenc\u0103 nu exist\u0103 o elit\u0103 politic\u0103 european\u0103, iar cei ce conduc economia r\u0103m\u00e2n na\u0163ionali chiar \u015fi \u00een \u00eentreprinderi plurina\u0163ionale. Studiile na\u0163ionale privind elitele, recrutarea lor, func\u0163iile lor, omogenitatea lor, rivalit\u0103\u0163ile \u015fi puterea lor sunt \u00eenc\u0103 prea rare \u015fi mai ales determinate de preocup\u0103ri prea diferite pentru a putea fi comparabile\u201d. Concluzia la care ajung Ezra Suleiman \u015fi Henri Mendras este c\u0103 aceste elite sunt produsul unei combina\u0163ii complexe \u00eentre institu\u0163iile \u015fcolare \u015fi universitare, institu\u0163iile politice \u015fi marile \u00eentreprinderi. Ele reflect\u0103 \u015fi sistemul de stratificare social\u0103 precum \u015fi raporturile de putere tradi\u0163ionale. \u00cens\u0103 o societate ideal\u0103 \u00eembin\u0103 dezvoltarea economic\u0103 cu democra\u0163ia. Dac\u0103 societ\u0103\u0163ile sunt guvernate de for\u0163e universale, \u00eendeosebi progresul tehnic \u015fi globalizarea planetei, diferen\u0163ele culturale \u015fi moravurile nu sunt dec\u00e2t fr\u00e2ne ale evolu\u0163iei sau, la nevoie, explica\u0163ii pentru unele diversit\u0103\u0163i, atr\u0103g\u0103toare, dar minore. Cvasidispari\u0163ia marxismului n-a f\u0103cut s\u0103 dispar\u0103 aceast\u0103 viziune a societ\u0103\u0163ilor care se nasc ne\u00eencetat sub noi forme. Or, dac\u0103 for\u0163ele sunt determinante, se \u00een\u0163elege c\u0103 rolul elitelor apare ca subaltern: ele slujesc la adaptarea mersului inevitabil al lucrurilor la particularit\u0103\u0163ile fiec\u0103rei societ\u0103\u0163i.<\/p>\n<p>Ca autor al acestui comentariu, am sf\u00e2r\u015fit prin a avea convingerea c\u0103 elitele joac\u0103 un rol decisiv \u00een istorie. Fiecare societate are permanent de f\u0103cut selec\u0163ii care-i afecteaz\u0103 viitorul, iar aceste op\u0163iuni sunt efectuate, \u00een mod explicit sau nu, de c\u0103tre elite \u0163in\u00e2nd seama de constr\u00e2ngerile de care ele sunt con\u015ftiente.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>CELE PATRU MODELE PROFESIONALE<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Un prim adev\u0103r ferm r\u0103m\u00e2ne acesta: \u201eStructura elitelor conduce, \u00een mare m\u0103sur\u0103, mecanismele schimb\u0103rii politice\u201d. \u00cen societ\u0103\u0163ile moderne, asist\u0103m \u00eens\u0103 la accentuarea conflictului \u00eentre competen\u0163a elitei \u015fi egalitatea cet\u0103\u0163enilor \u00een fa\u0163a puterii. Pe de o parte e tot mai necesar\u0103 recompensarea competen\u0163ei profesionale a func\u0163ionarilor \u015fi a politicienilor. Pe de alt\u0103 parte, imperativul de a se r\u0103spunde revendic\u0103rii cresc\u00e2nde de egalitate a cet\u0103\u0163enilor \u015fi s\u0103 existe o ap\u0103rare \u00een fa\u0163a acuza\u0163iei de a fi tehnocrat este indispensabil. Idealul democratic ar dori ca cet\u0103\u0163enii s\u0103 se conduc\u0103 ei \u00een\u015fi\u015fi, sau ca guvernan\u0163ii s\u0103 fie c\u00e2t mai aproape posibil de cet\u0103\u0163eni \u015fi s\u0103 le semene. Dar complexitatea tot mai crescut\u0103 a societ\u0103\u0163ii pretinde din ce \u00een ce mai mult competen\u0163\u0103 din partea conduc\u0103torilor tot mai numero\u015fi, tot mai specializa\u0163i \u015fi din ce \u00een ce mai bine preg\u0103ti\u0163i. Problema este deci func\u0163ionarea birocra\u0163iei \u015fi a clasei politice \u015fi mai ales modul de recrutare \u015fi de preag\u0103tire a elitelor. Pot fi identificate \u201epatru modele\u201d (4, in integrum):<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>modelul englez, care se caracterizeaz\u0103 printr-o grupare aristocratic\u0103, prin intermediul Public Schools, din dou\u0103 universit\u0103\u0163i ce ofer\u0103 o preg\u0103tire general\u0103, prin studii umaniste, \u00een care dreptul \u015fi economia sunt secundare;<\/li>\n<li>preg\u0103tirea judiciar\u0103 domin\u0103 \u00een Germania, Austria, Olanda, Scandinavia, Italia<\/li>\n<li>modelul fancez al marilor \u015fcoli, bazat pe concurs egalitar, se dore\u015fte meritocratic; preg\u0103tirea matematic\u0103 la Politehnic\u0103 \u015fi \u00een drept public pe baz\u0103 economic\u0103 la \u015ftiin\u0163ele politice \u015fi la ENA produce o elit\u0103 foarte diferen\u0163iat\u0103 \u015fi limitat\u0103 ca num\u0103r, cu un puternic spirit de grup.<\/li>\n<li>modelul func\u0163ional training \u00een stil american se bazeaz\u0103 pe un sistem universitar foarte diversificat \u015fi favorizeaz\u0103 experien\u0163a dob\u00e2ndit\u0103 \u00eentr-un anumit domeniu al activit\u0103\u0163ii publice pe durata unor rela\u0163ii \u00eentre func\u0163ionari, oameni politici \u015fi responsabili economici.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Coment\u00e2nd cele patru modele ale lui G. Peters, vedem c\u0103:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>sistemul francez este \u00een \u00eentregime orientat, concentrat chiar, c\u0103tre concursurile marilor \u015fcoli la care accede o infim\u0103 minoritate<\/li>\n<li>sistemul britanic se axeaz\u0103 pe formarea echilibrat\u0103 a unui gentleman<\/li>\n<li>sistemul german e bazat pe numeroase universit\u0103\u0163i al c\u0103ror \u00eenv\u0103\u0163\u0103m\u00e2nt e organizat dup\u0103 un curriculum uniform, astfel doctori \u00een drept de provenien\u0163e foarte variate intr\u0103 \u00een administa\u0163ie \u015fi \u00een via\u0163a politic\u0103 av\u00e2nd o aceea\u015fi preg\u0103tire<\/li>\n<li>sistemul american pare cel mai apropiat de regimul democratic autentic corelat cu efectele postmodernit\u0103\u0163ii.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Accesul spre pozi\u0163ii de elit\u0103 este mai restrictiv \u00een unele \u0163\u0103ri dec\u00e2t \u00een altele. \u00cen termeni foarte generali, cu c\u00e2t tradi\u0163ia statal\u0103 e mai puternic\u0103, cu at\u00e2t mai pu\u0163in este deschis accesul \u015fi viceversa, cu c\u00e2t statul e mai pu\u0163in puternic \u015fi respectat, cu at\u00e2t accesul devine mai deschis, iar c\u0103ile de p\u0103trundere mai diverse. E limpede c\u0103 Fran\u0163a, Marea Britanie \u015fi Germania se afl\u0103 \u00eentr-o situa\u0163ie opus\u0103 fa\u0163\u0103 de Italia \u015fi Statele Unite.<strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>DEMOCRA\u0162IE \u015eI BIROCRA\u0162IE<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Prin umare, o birocra\u0163ie foarte profesionist\u0103, foarte independent\u0103 \u015fi foarte sigur\u0103 pe ea \u00eens\u0103\u015fi ar fi un factor de bun\u0103 func\u0163ionare pentru democra\u0163ie, cu condi\u0163ia ca institu\u0163iile \u015fi elitele politice s\u0103 fie ferme \u00een privin\u0163a prerogativelor \u015fi a func\u0163iilor lor.<\/p>\n<p>Ast\u0103zi, valul de ideologie liberal\u0103 r\u0103sp\u00e2ndit \u00een \u0163\u0103rile occidentale, a valorificat libera ini\u0163iativ\u0103, legile pie\u0163ei \u015fi a adus o critic\u0103 aspr\u0103 birocra\u0163iei \u015fi statului \u2013 providen\u0163\u0103. Privatizarea marilor \u00eentreprinderi na\u0163ionale \u015fi a serviciilor municipale \u015fi regionale s-a f\u0103cut \u00een scopul remedierii ineficacit\u0103\u0163ii birocra\u0163iilor, dar \u00eencepem s\u0103 ne d\u0103m seama c\u0103 administrarea privat\u0103 \u00ee\u015fi are dificult\u0103\u0163ile \u015fi capcanele sale, fie \u015fi doar corup\u0163ia. Aceast\u0103 vag\u0103 ideologie \u015fi frenezia privatiz\u0103rii are consecin\u0163e directe asupra elitelor. Tinerii ambi\u0163io\u015fi care \u00ee\u015fi doresc o carier\u0103 str\u0103lucit\u0103 au tendin\u0163a de a p\u0103r\u0103si serviciul la stat \u015fi de a se orienta c\u0103tre sectorul privat.<\/p>\n<p>O alt\u0103 problem\u0103 se cuvine acum clarificat\u0103: ne afl\u0103m \u00een prezen\u0163a unei clase conduc\u0103toare sau mai cur\u00e2nd a unor categorii conduc\u0103toare diverse, cu interese contradictorii \u015fi cu mijloace de ac\u0163iune independente? Statele federale \u015fi statele centralizate ofer\u0103 condi\u0163iile unei compara\u0163ii sugestive: vom g\u0103si elite mai pu\u0163in diversificate \u00een cele dint\u00e2i dec\u00e2t \u00een cele de pe urm\u0103; vom anticipa g\u0103sirea unor noi mecanisme de formare \u015fi recrutare a elitelor, pentru a r\u0103spunde nevoilor institu\u0163iilor publice \u015fi \u00eentreprinderilor interna\u0163ionale.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Fiecare clas\u0103 sau grup social se divide \u00een elit\u0103 \u015fi non-elit\u0103, ter\u0163ul inclus reprezent\u00e2ndu-l contraelita. Elitele pot fi func\u0163ionale \u015fi disfunc\u0163ionale, transparente <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1424,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[5,14,8,1,23,6,7,31],"tags":[50],"coauthors":[75],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/02\/ion-pop.bradicen2-e1454891481319.jpg","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p4rsGx-mU","_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1420"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1420"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1420\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1423,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1420\/revisions\/1423"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1424"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1420"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1420"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1420"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.nymagazin.com\/en_US\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=1420"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}